The agitation for the creation of Esan State is no longer a faint murmur in Nigeria’s political corridors, it has become a proliferating movement, rooted in history, equity, and the undeniable desire for inclusive development. What began as a regional conversation has evolved into a national call, gaining traction through civic engagement, diaspora mobilisation, and strategic advocacy. This agenda is not driven by bitterness or tribal antagonism but by the enduring aspiration of a people long sidelined in the political and developmental calculus of Edo State.
When Senator Monday Okpebholo was sworn in as Governor of Edo State on November 12, 2024, many within the contemporary Esan nation believed that the long-awaited “Esan Agenda” had finally materialised, that an Esan man occupying Osadebey Avenue was the dream come true. However, permit me to assert, with all sense of responsibility and clarity, that this is not yet uhuru for Esanland.
Yes, the current governor has initiated some steps, ranging from infrastructural touches to administrative appointments, that suggest a shift in focus towards balancing state’s appointments. Yet, as meaningful as these gestures may be, they do not resolve the fundamental problem of structural exclusion. True development, the kind that alters destinies and reshapes futures, can only be attained when Esan attains statehood. That is the core of the real Esan Agenda.
From London to Toronto, from Frankfurt to Johannesburg, from Melbourne to Atlanta, the call is growing louder. Esan sons and daughters in the diaspora are uniting like never before. In town hall meetings, conferences, WhatsApp platforms, and formal policy submissions, they are demanding not just inclusion, but autonomy. The message is uniform, clear, and determined, Esan state must be created.
Since the return to democratic rule in 1999, Edo South has enjoyed 16 years at the helm of governance, Edo North has had 8 years. Esan, by contrast, has only briefly tasted the reins of power, 18 months under Prof. Oserheimen Osunbor and now 7 months under Senator Monday Okpebholo. That totals a paltry 25 months in 26 years. More telling is the fact that no Esan person has been appointed deputy governor in that same period. What can be more telling of the embedded imbalance?
This pattern of exclusion has not been abstract, it has been painfully tangible. The evidence is written on the roads of Esanland, many of which are impassable. It is echoed in the empty industrial zones, in the collapsing schools, and in the near-absence of government presence. Governance, as practiced under the control of Edo South and North, has often been a sectional affair develop your region when in power, and this arrangement has continued to keep Esan in the shadows.
Curiously, even now, with just seven months of an Esan man occupying the governorship seat, dissenting voices, many of whom have walked the corridors of power for over 24 years, are already weeping and wailing about marginalisation. This irony struck a nerve and stirred a revelation within me. If mere seven months of Esan leadership can provoke such petty outcry, then our long-overdue agitation for statehood is not just valid it is urgent. I began to think, and I began to pray. The vision of Esan State is no longer distant, it is nearer than ever before.
The recent announcement by the National Assembly to open up constitutional review for possible state creation has sparked hope. But it has also provoked a sobering reflection among Esan people. Who is speaking for us at the National Assembly? Who is flying the Esan flag at the national level of the ruling party? Where are our representatives in high places and what exactly are their priorities: personal preservation or collective advancement? These are the burning questions echoing across every Esan community today.
This political muting of Esan voices did not begin yesterday. Since 2008, a deliberate strategy of marginalisation has taken root. The era of former Governor Adams Oshiomhole marked the beginning of a systemic exclusion that has continued to the present day. As it stands, Esan has no substantial federal appointments, no visible legislative power bloc, and no representation at the apex of national discourse.
This is not just a political oversight, it is a calculated silencing.
But let it be known, Esan is not powerless. Our homeland is blessed with vast human and natural resources. We boast of one of the most cohesive and enlightened populations in the southern region. Our cultural identity is strong. Our geographical expanse is compact and viable. By all measurable indices from population to GDP potential Esan is more than qualified to stand alone as a state. Indeed, compared with existing states such as Ekiti, Bayelsa, Ebonyi, and even Abia and Kebbi, Esan holds greater promise.
Let us also remind ourselves that statehood is not a gift, it is a constitutional right. Nigeria’s federal system was designed to allow regions to aspire toward self-governance under lawful terms. To demand Esan State is not to call for division, it is to demand justice, equity, and national balance. In the words of Confucius, “When wealth is centralized, the people are dispersed; when wealth is distributed, the people are brought together.” The same is true for political representation and developmental justice.
The clamour for Esan State must therefore be seen not as an ethnic tantrum, but as a mature and constitutional response to sustained structural neglect. As Socrates once said, “Injustice in the extreme is the greatest evil. The soul that commits it becomes deformed, and the city that tolerates it becomes diseased.” For too long, Nigeria has tolerated the disequilibrium within Edo State, a disequilibrium that has robbed Esanland of its full potential.
What we seek is not privilege but parity, not special treatment but fair treatment. We seek a future where our children can aspire to lead their own state, where development decisions are tailored to our people’s unique needs, and where Esan culture and values can be harnessed for sustainable growth. This is not too much to ask.
There are those who fear that creating new states may create further division. But history has shown that decentralisation often breeds efficiency, representation, and development. Esan State would not only heal the decades of alienation, it would also bring new life to the Nigerian federation, creating another centre of progress, productivity, and peace.
To the National Assembly, to the Presidency, and to stakeholders across Nigeria, we say this: the time has come. Hear the call of Esan people, not with suspicion, but with statesmanship. See our case not as an agitation, but as a long overdue correction. After all, as Confucius reminds us again, “The strength of a nation derives from the integrity of the home.”
Esan has waited long enough. We have remained peaceful, patient, and democratic. But silence must not be mistaken for surrender. Our collective voice is rising across generations, across borders, across political affiliations, and it is calling out for one thing: Esan State
Deacon Darlington Okpebholo Ray MSc, CIPD, Journalist, Political and Social Rights Activist writes from London, England